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Here on Feedinco, we will cover all types of match predictions, stats and all match previews for all Cyprus - First Division matches. You can find all statistics, last 5 games stats and Comparison for both teams Paphos and Ol.

Feedinco Suggestion From all statistics and latest matches data, our professional advice and experts suggest to bet on a 1X which have odds of 1. We also suggest the best bookmaker which is 22Bet which have better odds on this type of bet. Nicosia, we have analysed all last 5 matches and winning rate analysis. Paphos are currently in a better form which they will be playing on their statium as home team, which gives them a slight advantage over the away team - Ol.

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Enjoys betting and a good poker game. Follow on medium. Faq on Paphos v Ol. When is the match between Paphos v Ol. The match between Paphos - Ol. Nicosia is on Thursday 7th January. Paphos are currently in a better form than the away team - Ol. Will both teams score in the match Paphos v Ol. Among all the predictions, the best bet to play on Paphos v Ol. Nicosia is 1X with odds of 1. Bragantino 4 - 2 Sao Paulo Tips 7th January.

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Facebook Telegram Twitter. All Sports Predictions. Betting on the Blockchain. Quite small though. Only 4 tables placed right next to each other. No privacy and no comfortable at all. Anyway, it was only us and another couple so we chose the table that wasn't next to them. Staff is great. Lovely service with a smile and really helpful with the menu and the drinks. We had the nachos and the mini burgers along with a couple of cocktails and everyone was really really good.

Definitely going back if it's not packed. The smoking area is not an option for us so it's quite difficult to find a table. Definitely recommended for wine and cocktail lovers. Great location, lots of parking in th area and once again I must say, Great staff. Own or manage this property? Claim your listing for free to respond to reviews, update your profile and much more.

Skip to main content. Log in to get trip updates and message other travelers. Review of Artigiano Nicosia. Artigiano Nicosia. Improve this listing. Ranked 94 of 1, Restaurants in Nicosia. Restaurant details.

Constantinos H. Reviewed January 24, Very nice burgers. Date of visit: March Ask Constantinos H about Artigiano Nicosia. Thank Constantinos H. Write a review Reviews Traveler rating. Show reviews that mention.

All reviews brunch specialty coffee pizza espresso bar nice atmosphere enomatic dish. Review tags are currently only available for English language reviews. Read reviews in English Go back. Reviewed December 23, via mobile. A cozy dinner! Date of visit: December Reviewed June 2, via mobile. Relaxed vibe.


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Musa, written in and referring to business done in , also includes details on purchases made in Sicily. The accounting was sent to a partner in Palermo, as it mentions a meeting between the writer and the partner which took pIace there.

Barhun sent instructions to Tripoli to transfer 26 dresses to Palermo for his partner; the accounting mentions money to be paid by the partner to Zakkar b. The merchandise was intended for marketing in Palermo and in Mazar. Abraham b. Farrap, writing again from Alexandria to Nehoray b. Nissim in approximately , mentions that Zakkar b. In another letter to Nehoray, written on 25 August and also sent from Alexandria, Abraham b. Farrah mentions a ship which docked for a brief visit to Tripoli in Libya, and set s;il the next day for Mazar, and from there to Syracuse, where it was loaded with a cargo arranged the shipment of these goods from Sicily.

Joseph b. Isma'Il al-MakhmurI, tells of an mC1dent mvolvmg a shlpu : ent of lacquer apparently sent in to Palermo, which had reached Mazar instead. Joseph had subsequently asked Bayyim b. At the dme the letter was wntten, 1t was st : lmpoSS1. Although the abovementioned Geniza letters do not give explicit details concerning events on the island, they nevertheless furnish several vantage points. Stili, the approximate date seems to be the middle s, based on the information that, at the time, the city of Palermo was being administered by the Muslim council, the shura.

The next years marked the start of the internaI wars Iaunched by Ibn al Thumna. These wars are reviewed above, to the extent that they are reflected in Ibn al-AthIr and other sources; however, those sources do not give dates for the various incidents. Hints of these wars begin to appear in the Geniza letters; I have cited a Ietter from Joseph b. On 15 September , Isma'II b. Another letter from Isma 'Il to his son F aral , also sent from Alexandria -this one written 12 days later, on 27 September -mentions that only people from Palermo.

Ita lia fudaica V about a letter written by Sulayman b. Faral , the addressee's unde Le. The significance of these rumours and the atmosphere caused by them becomes clearer in a letter written from Alexandria on 6 September by Joseph b.

FaraQ to his nephew Faral b. Isma'II in Fustat. The soldiers, h? This, then, is a reflection of Ibn al-Thu : nna' s war against Ibn al-tIawwas, as Girgenti belonged to the latter's terntory. As for Mazar, it seems to have been under Ibn al-Thumna's rule for some time previously -that is, he seems to have ejected 'Abdallah b.

Mankut, the former ruler of that area, several years before, since we read that the state of affairs in Mazar was more or less normal, and that the city' s economie activities were being conducted in an order1y manner. He also. We may interpret this as meaning that Ibn al-Thumna was in need of financing for his battles. Labra t b. Moses b. On 2 September , fIayyim b.

In another letter, written from Mahdiyya on 4 August , Labra t b. Moses notes. Later In the. Again, at about the same time, Nissim b. Another letter written at ab? Nissim b. A contempora ry letter wntten from Alexandria by Fara0 b. Isma'tl to Nehoray b. These orders, too, seem to be connected to the events which began Italia Judaica V to take pIace in Sicily, and to the Norman invasion and takeover of large portions of the island. Sughmar on 9 January , regarding the prevailing fear of the Normans al-ifranj , who had invaded Sicily en masse; the population feared they would conquer Siqilliyya, i.

The letters of the Maghribi Jewish merchants dted so far show that the fateful appeal made by Ibn al-Thumna to the Normans apparently occurred in BadIs, asking him to come to their aid. Al-Mu'izz apparently responded to their request in the affirmative, although he himself was then quite severe1y beset by the Bedouin tribes.

This information reported by Ibn al-AthIr is enough to prove that the Norman invasion took pIace mainly in , as can be inferred also from the Geniza letters. Extremely significant in this connection is a letter written by Joseph b. Fara0 of Fustat to his nephew Fara0 b. The passage that follows is rather confusing: the mishne guaranteed him 10, dinars for the two ships?

He later adds that there are differences of opinion based on religion? Halfon: , Marduk b. Miisa: , a; Isma ' , margin, top, and continued in b. Labrar , b, The Norman conquest of Sicily, as we know, was a slow processo In the western portion of the island, including Mazar and Palermo, the Muslims managed to hold on for about another 15 years. On 31 August , al-Mu'izz died and was succeeded by his son TamIm, who sent a fleet and an army to Sicily in , with his own sons Ayyub and 'AlI.

Ayyub and some of the army landed in Palermo, whereas 'AlI and the remaining forces landed in Girgenti. In the summer of , a battle took pIace between. The local populace, particularly the people of Girgenti, supported the Maghribis. In this conflict, Ibn al-tIawwas was killed. The sons of TamIm and the Maghribi forces continued to control the western part of the island but the local Muslim population began to rise against them.

When the battles developed into full scale war between the two factions, Ayylib and 'AlI the sons of TamIm dedded to abandon the island, which they did in the year which began on 31 October ; it may be assumed that they actually left in the early summer of As for. Ibn al-Thumna, he was murdered even before the Maghribis landed, In the spnng of apparently in early March. The ruler of the dtadel, Nichel we cannot determine which Arab name lies at the root of this distortion , pretended to be one of Ibn al-Thumna's supporters; when Ibn al-Thumna came to meet him, he and his men killed Ibn al-Thumna's horse and then murdered the man himself.

This incident is recorded among the events of If the murder did indeed take pIace in , the letter was written on 12 August of tha: year. Yeshu'a states that a ship arrived from Mazar bearing a group ofJewlsh merchants from Spain. According to those merchants, the situation Italia Judaica V in Sici1y was good, the news were good, and following Ibn al-Thumna' s murder, the dty had calmed down the reference is apparently to Mazar, as the merchants had come from there.

It should be noted that even during those years -that is, from to -we have informatio n on continued trade relations with Sici1y. In , Yespu'a b. Musa of Palermo, with whom he had quarrelled. The agreement, inter alia, states that the two must go to Palermo to arbitrate their case. The letter discusses a partnership between Jewish and Muslim merchants concerning the marketing of oH in Palermo; recounts the fact that its writer, Salama b.

The activity of the Norman fleet is also reflected in a more serious incident reported by Salama: the burning of ships laden with cargo belonging to Jewish merchants, whHe they were docked in Palermo. The burning of the ships in Palermo is also reported by Avon b. Sedaqa, writing from Jerusalem on 11 November , who notes that he had given the head of the Palestinian yeshiva, Elijah ha-Kohen b. Solomon, a letter from Nehoray b. There can therefore be no doubt that this incident took pIace in apparently in late summer.

In approxima tely , a letter from Musa b. AbI'l-tIay in Alexandria to Nehoray b. Isaac of Mazar. The newcomer brought with ' him a cargo of lead, oil, and fabrics, and had great trouble in Mazar concerning the 'ushr tax on goods. In another letter, written a bit later to Joseph b. Musa al-Tahird, Musa b. There had been disturbing rumours regarding that ship, whose fate had been unknown, until a letter arrived stating that the ship had set sail from Palermo to Mazar, but had 10st its way and reached bilad al-rUm apparently that part of the island already occupied by the Normans.

The ship stayed there for 15 days before returning safely to Mazar in Sicily; great losses, however, were incurred to its cargo, which had gotten wet. It was very difficult to hire beasts of burden on the island, as the hire fee had gone up to 23 dinars and even higher. At about the same time, a letter written from Alexandria by an inhabitant of Palermo, David b.

Nissim, describes the suffering of the people of Palermo. Again during the same period, Jacob b. Nahum writes from Tripoli in Libya to Nehoray. Joseph writes from Alexandria to Judah b. Concerning the date of al-Mu'izz' death, the Arab Italia Judaica V In the last phase of the conquest of Sicily, and the last two or three years in which Palermo remained under Muslim rule, the Geniza letters assume an important role: it is mainly through those documents that we know of the Iast Muslim ruler, Abu 'Abdallah MuI;.

The Arab source which mentions him in connection with Sicily is the Mir'at al-zaman of Sibt Ibn al-]awz1. There is a certain confusion here between the island of Sicily and the city of Palermo, and the reference is obviously to the conquest of Palermo; nonetheless, there was definitely a ruler named Ibn aI-Ba'ba', even though Amari denies it. Muhammad Ibn al-Ba'bii' is mentioned in Ibn al-Atrur regarding the events of the year which began on 13 December ; in that Muslim year that is, in , TamIm b.

He was eventually caught and, according to Ibn al-AthIr, executed by TamIm which is untrue, as we will see later. We may assume that Ibn al-Ba'ba' had been in the service of the Fatimids ali along. He is mentioned in dozens of Geniza letters. His full name was Abu 'Abdallah Muhammad b. His father, Abu'l-Qasim 'Abd al-Ra];.

Nissim and his relatives, the TahirtIs and others. Ibn al-Ba'ba' is mentioned in the letters of the Maghribi merchants as owning ships often chartered by those merchants to transfer import and export cargo to and from Egypt, Spain, the Maghrib, and Sicily, as well as letters and sums of money.

In the s and s, and even later, the ship of al-Andalusz is often mentioned; this may well have been a reference to Ibn al-Ba 'ba', or perhaps to his father, but we cannot tell for certain. From that point on, Ibn al-Ba'ba' and his ships are mentioned in many letters written by Maghiribi merchants.

He is cited as carrying various cargoes: flax, textiles, etc. Especially prominent is the fact that he was entrusted with large sums of money, in dinars and dirhams, and was obviously considered to be trustworthy.

His ships were active in the Alexandria -Mahdiyya -Sicily Mazar and Palermo triangle, in both directions. There is even a possibility that Ibn al-Ba'ba' was of Jewish extraction. Both the profession of his grandfather and perhaps that of his father as well a jeweller, or goldsmith -and his name, Khalaf, were fairly characteristic of Jews.

Also, the Geniza documents include a suftaja cheque, or payment order , written by Abraham b. Ibn al-Ba'ba', who is thereby asked to pay its bearer the sum of 40 dinars. This suftaja is written in Hebrew script! His grandson, Ibn al-Ba'ba', was evident1y a devout of the extreme ShI'a, the Fatimids, as will be come quite obvious below9.

Nissim to load the goods which he intends to ship to Sicily on the same ship. In a letter from Labrat b. Moses ibn Sughmar, sent from Mahdiyya, apparent1y on 9 January , to his brother Judah, we find the first mention of a special relationship between Ibn al-Ba'ba', and Zakkar b. Labra t mentions this in reports on goods sent to Sicily, according to a letter received by Zakkar's brother Bayyim. Moses or to Basun b. All of the loads had therefore been sequestered and left in a warehouse.

The one handling the matter was Master Abu 'Abdallah, in whose ship the loads had arrived. In order to get the loads released, Abu 'Abdallah required copies of the receipts as well as a deposit in the event of complaints. The writer Labrat had already organized all that was necessary, and had had the copies signed by afaqih a Muslim spedalist in law and other Muslim notables from Mahdiyya and Qayrawan the people of Qayrawan had moved to Mahdiyya when their city was destroyed.

In Labra f s opinion, everything had already been settled, because Zakkar b. Several years later, perhaps in , an accounting list drawn up by Nehoray b. Salama b. Musa, writing from Mazar to Judah b. This may indicate the beginning of Ibn al-Ba'ba" s retirement from the shipping business in favour of a political career. The suftaja, see , where there is on the recto a letter to Nehoray b.

Ibn al-Ba'ba"s escape from TamIm b. On 4 May , Fara];1 b. Nissim's brother-in-law. Joseph makes similar statements in a letter to the same Judah b. T O conclude tbis final episode: we: have thus learned from the Geruza letters that Mul ammad b. He enjoyed a special relationship with the ]ewish merchants of the Maghrib and earned their trust.

However, he escaped Tamlm's wrath and fled to Egypt, despite Ibn al-Athir's false report of his death. In the account of Sib t Ibn alo] awzl, it is implied that he reached an agreement with the rulers of Egypt, empowering him to go to Sicily and fight against the sons of TamIm and their army, forcing them to abandon the island. He then became the ruler of Palermo, apparently with the blessing of the Egyptians, being a loyal follower of the Fatimids, but he was obligated to pay tribute to them.

At this point, the Maghribi ]ewish merchants cooperated with him, and may even have financed him -and probably had great expectations of him. According to Sib r, it was he who turned over Palermo to the Normans, as he was incapable of making the required payments to Egypt.

Bl1t when the Normans entered Palermo, they put him to death. Palermo felI into Norman hands on 10 ]anuary , after a five months' siege; Mazar surrendered immediately thereafter, thus ending the period of Muslim rule in Sicily However, the name Ibn al-Na'nii' is not found in any Arab sources, and there can be no doubt that the correct reading in this case is Ibn al-Ba'bii'.

The other letter by Joseph b. In that letter, the writing of the name Ibn al-Ba'bii ' is quite dear. For the appointment of Zakkiir b. Italia Judaica V The Economy and the ]ewish MerchantsSicily, being close to the African continent, was easily able to maintain maritime contact with Africa. As Ifriqiya developed into the trade centre of the Mediterranean basin, especially under the Fatimids -to a great degree thanks to hs ]ewish merchants -the island became an important target area for the exchange of merchandise.

This situation is well reflected in the merchants' letters to be found in the Geniza. The ships wbich carried cargo from Egypt would sai! Nehoray b. In about , Barhun b. Musa al-Tahirti writes to his cousin Nehoray, from Sicily. At the time of writing, he was in the port of Itrabanish Trapani , in the month of Elul August-September , after having spent the entire winter and summer so we gather in Tripoli Libya and in Sicily. His family remained in the Maghrib, in Mahdiyya.

In the summertime -generally the on1y season when sailings were relatively safe -shipping traffic in and out of Sicily reached considerable proportions; merchants' letters include long lists of ships passing through the area. For example, let us consider a letter written by 'Ayyash b. Sicily was apparently a thriving and dynamic centre of economic activity, and craved imported goods, as we shall see later. Some merchants preferred to flood the Sicilian market with goods originally scheduled for shipment to Egypt or the Maghrib -as attested, for example, by the abovementioned 'Ayyash in a Ietter to Barhun b.

Musa al-TahirtI. The Mediterranean Sea routes to and from Sicily were teeming with maritime traffic. In this connection, let us remember that a voyage from Sicily to Egypt took no small number of days. A ship owned by Ibn Mujiihid set sai! Moreover, winds blowing in unfavourable directions could considerably lengthen the voyage. East winds, according to a letter written by Isma'tl b. FaraI; on 6 November , caused a sailing from Palermo to Alexandria to last for 50 days!

Some people would use small, fast boats, to shorten the duration of the journey; boats of the khay ti and khinzira varieties seem to have been mainly propelled by rowers, and were therefore less dependent on wind direction.

Below, in my more concrete descriptions of the island' s economy and the activity of the MaghribiJewish merchants therein, most of the information is related to shipping traffic, as the ships were the vitai artery in the economy of the entire Mediterranean area. Many of the descriptive passages in the merchants' letters refer to matters happening in the portsll.

Let us first discuss local production and export. Sicily was considered a naturally rich location. Among the metals and minerals produced there were gold, silver, copper, lead, mercury, alum, antimony, iron and sulfuric acido A constant supply of all kinds of fruits carne from the island, in both summer and winter; also grown there was saffron. A more accurate and detailed picture can be had from the Maghribi merchants' letters in the Geniza.

Heading the list of Iocai production we find the various kinds of textiles, and especially silk. Mentioned in the letters are various quantities of silk -sometimes in qin ars hundreds of ra tls , and often in ra tls.

A special type of cheap silk umque to Sicily, las"in, is often mentioned. Raw silk, parir, is mentioned frequent1y, as is silken cloth, dibaj. Silk was also marketed in skeins; this was the j'zii silk. Contrary to an assumption of earlier research, it was not the Normans who first brought silk production to Sicily; we find mentions of snk imports from Sicily as early as the responsa of the geonim and in GeJ:.

Amari already hypothesized that the silk industry in Sicily began much earlier. Yahyii al MajjiinI to Benjamin b. Joseph ibn 'Awkal. Abraham, mentions that he shipped ten ra. Clothing and fabrics, as well as coats, made in Sicily were also very desirable merchandise. Often mentioned is the term thawb, which may refer to a type of fabric or to a garment. Barhun b. SaliI; al-TahirtI and Nehoray b. Nissim both ask their cousin Barhun b. Musa al Tahird to buy them, from the goods scheduled to arrive in Alexandria on board ships from Sicily, cloth and garments, so that they would have what to wear on weekdays.

Garments from Tustar, renowned throughout the area, were copied in Sicily; Judah b. Nissim, notes that 30 tustarz garments had been shipped from the island. Nissim, visiting Mazar in about , notes in a letter that he sent from there, inter alia, a parcel full of coats and shawls. Sicilian products espedally in demand included carpets, towels, and caps 'ama'im. FaraI; b. Isma'Il, writing from Alexandria to Fustat on 19 November , asks his father to get him two Sidlian caps; similar requests may be found in other letters.

Aiso interested in 'ama'im siqilti was Farah b. Joseph; he asks for them in two letters to Khalaf b. SahI, in approximately , as well as in a letter to another merchant whose name has not come down to us 1 3. Nissim : ; a, 1. Salih: , a, Judah b.

Isma'il: , a, 1. See also , a, 1. Isma'il, wntmg from Palermo, expresses hope that Nehoray b. Nissim had already sold the al-dustari. Nehoray: , b, See also: , b, 1. Khalluf b. Zakariyya, writing from Alexandria to Joseph b. Labriit b. Moses ibn Sughmar, writing from Mahdiyya to Nehoray b.

HrIqiya, the Maghrib depended on Sicily for its wheat supply. AI-MazarI, an eleventh-century Muslim jurist of Sidlian origin as his name shows , also mentions shipments of wheat from Sicily to Mahdiyya. Other goods brought from Sicily included oil, wax, wine and cheese. A small ship is said to have arrived from Palermo bearing 30 cheeses jubn: 30 ra bas; the term raba apparently derives from the root rwb, which relates to the souring of milk. Among the fruits mentioned by Yaqut as being abundant in Sicily, the merchants' letters contain information on shipments of almonds: Yeshu'a b.

Isma'Il al-MakhmurI bought two loads of shelled almonds in Syracuse in about Also active in the almond trade were the brothers Jacob and Judah b. Isma'Il, Spanish Jews who had settled in Sicily. One of them, in two letters, mentions a shipment of 25 ra tfs of shelled almonds; the other notes that he used the money obtained from the sale of a shipment of pepper to buy lO qin tars of shelled almonds nearly haH a ton!

A typical product exported from Sidly was hides, or na t plural: anta'. See also , a, margin, top; Nlsslm b. Isma'il: , a. Joseph: , a, l. In , tIasiin b. Isaac al-Khawlaru: informs Joseph ibn 'Awkal that he was about to receive a shipment of hides from Sicily. In a letter written from Mazar by Nehoray b. Nissim, the hides are called jild; this term whlch often recurs in the merchants' letters may refer to untanned hides.

Miisa b. Isl;aq b. I:Iisda, acting on behalf of Joseph ibn 'Awkal, carried hides from Sicily at a value of dinars apparent1y ruba 'iyya, quarter-dinars , including some hides from Syracuse na siraqus"i 1 4. Another typical export product was lead. Generally speaking, the mere mention of lead in a letter of unknown origin is a probable sign that the letter originated in Sicily.

Muqaddasl in the tenth century, al-BakrI in the eleventh century, Yaqiit in the thirteenth century, all mention the export of lead from Sicily. The lead was carried in large double sacks called kharj also: kharjayn. According to Yaqiit, the alum was produced in mines in Sicily. Let us recall that Sicily was also a supplier of wood for the building trade, and espedally for shipbuilding -as I have mentioned with regard to the conquest of Taormina and Rametta pp.

We shall now turn our attention to import. Whereas, on one hand, Sicily was an important supplier of raw materials and products, on the other, it provided an extensive and popular market for imported goods. The Maghribi Jewish merchants seem to have been heavily involved in supplying materials and products to the island. We find several letters containing impressively detailed listings of various kinds of merchandise. Nissim mentions having imported the following kinds of goods to Sicily: flax, ammonia, sugar, resin, frankincense, galanga khawlan , brazilwood baqam.

Of the go od lapis lazuli lazward , bring 20 manns, as a partnership between me and you And bring a bundle of frankincense and a bundle and a sack of asa foetida and senna sinna And come only to Palermo Later in the letter, he mentions cloves qaranfu l and sandalwood sandal.

The most important type of merchandise imported to Sicily was flax, which was the principai raw material used in making the fabrics and garments for which the island was renowned. In an accounting list drawn up by an anonymous merchant, referring to the years and , we find that he sent six loads a!? Dunash b. Isaac, writing at about the same time, also notes that, by contrast to other merchants seeking to anchor in Tripoli Libya , he preferred to continue to Palermo, as he was carrying flax and had heard that the market there was good.

At times, however, the opposite was true. Musa complains, in a letter written in Mazar on 7 September , that on his arrivaI in Palermo on Rosh ha-Shana, he had found that his cargo of flax could not be marketed.

The price of flax had been 70 apparently 70 quarter-dinars per qin r the previous winter, but now in late summer, the end of the sailing season, when almost ali the ships had already reached their destination , it had dropped to In a letter written on 1 Ocotber , Khalluf b. Zakariyya warns that there was no market in Palermo for mzsar'i flax. Also important to the textile industry were the shipments of indigo, which was the most popular dyeing material at the time. Among the most important suppliers of indigo were the Dead Sea and Jordan Valiey area, where the Maghribi merchants used to purchase indigo n'i!

Especially Iarge shipments of indigo to Sicily are mentioned in a memorandum drawn up in the bet azn of Nathan b. Abraham in Fustat in In a letter sent from Sicily in the early eleventh century, apparently to Joseph b. Italia Judaica V A certain Abu Sa'id writes from Sicily in about to his brother Abu'l Barakat in Fustat, proposing that the brother move from Egypt to Palermo, as the latter city had a good market for spices imported from the East, and the two could work together in that business.

Large deals in various perfumes are revealed in documents already discussed above, in the incident adjudicated by Daniel b. A shipment of ammonia from Egypt to Sicily is mentioned in about I have already noted Muqaddasi's description of the production of ammonia from the volcano on the island; that production, he says, had ceased -and indeed, two or three generations later, we find that ammonia is imported by Sicily from Egypt. Although Sicily was a producer of oil, we find details of a large shipment of oil to the island in some two tons of oiI bought in Mahdiyya were sent to Palermo.

Also worthy of listing are shipments of sugar, soap, and pearls Coins and measures. Typical is the fact that some of the quarter-dinars minted in bear neither the name of the caliph nor that of 'Ali ibn AbI Talib, which is customarily inscribed on Fatimid coins. Biidis to Sicily in , at the head of an army. The C1rCulatlOn of quarter-dinars in Sicily was so extensive that some of these letters use the terms ruba 'l, ruba 'iyya to refer to money in generaI.

About , Isma'Il b. At times we find details on the nature of coins. The coins themselves are mentioned some 65 years after al-'Azlz day, in a letter written by Joseph b. Musa al-TahirtI on 3 August In an accounting list dating from , written by Yeshu'a b. Aside from coins minted by Muslims, Sicily appears to have circulated no small number of Byzantine quarter-dinars. Isaac b. Their rate of exchange was quoted at dinars per ruba 'iyya. I have no explanation for this rate of exchange, the reason for wbich must remain a subject for conjecture.

One of the letters notes the shipment of tibr unworked gold apparently an ingot , 90 dinars in weight, along with a pouch containing dinars and quarter-dinars minted on the island qarb siqilliyya. In , it 1S mentioned in testimony concerning the estate of Musa b. Ta xes. In Sicily, the almost constant tension due to the unusual circumsta.

S populatlOn especially on its Christians and Jews , in addition to the usual jzzya : or p. A letter from Sicily to Jerusalem, written in about. Some of the merchants were at times in contact wlth the. See , b, 1. Isma'Il b. Jaeob ; a, margin, right. The deed: Joseph b :! Ruba'l s. Isaae b. Khalaf: , a, See add1tlOnai mentions of Byzantine quarter-dinars in Sieily: , a, margini , a, Tibr ete. See many other sh1pments of money, e. HINZ, See also , 1. Italia Judaica V revoking the 'ushr in Sicily.

At about the same time, tIayyim b. None of them he writes will henceforth have to pay bribes; this, after having kept their warehouses closed for some time apparently for fear of the authorities. These, the omniscient secret agents of the authorities, were apparently Jewish informers. Maymiin b. Khalfa, writing from Palermo on 18 August , complains about the 'ushr, calling it a terrible disaster, and states that, in his opinion, the shipment of goods to Sicily should be halted entirely.

The Jews, however, are partialiy to blame, for spreading exaggerated rumors; and why is the sultan demanding 'ushr? Because he was told that the men of the city were recording the goods of foreign merchants as if they belonged to themselves. This matter of concealment of ownership will be discussed again below. Elia, the dayyan of Sicily. Nineteen days later, on 6 September , Joseph b. Faral;1 writes from Alexandria, hinting at the same matter -the serious situation regarding the 'ushr in Sicily ; he aiso seems to have been referring to the abovementioned imprisonments.

Judah, a resident of Sicily, who -being exempt from the tax on imports -had allowed much merchandise to be shipped in his name. The abovementioned fIayyim b. In another passage of the same letter, we Iearn how strictly the Sicilian authorities dealt with the Jewish merchants, requiring them to pay maks unless they could furnish irrefutable proof that the imported goods really belonged to Iocal resi dents.

Abl'l-fIay, writing from Alexandria in about , on behalf of a man named Judah from Mahdiyya who had just arrived from Mazar, tells of the striet customs officials in that cityknown as the 'ashshaiin, or coliectors of 'ushrwho had kept watch over the boat ali night. In another letter, written in Alexandria in approximately , he complains of the situation in Palermo, which was extremely difficult, as even local residents were required to pay 'issur! When the abovementioned Salama b.

The matter of concealing the true ownership of goods and passing them oH as be10nging to local residents is repeatedly mentioned in the Geruza letters. For example, Dunash b. Isaac of Tripoli in Libya, writing in about , states that he is preparing a false statement for the tax authorities, so that the ownership of the merchandise will not be known.

An earlier document found in the Geniza is a certificate of the court in Syracuse, dating from 21 April , requiring Elia b. This inddent obviously also involved concealment of ownershipin this case, regarding the amount of raw silver whieh had been imported into Sicily in the name of this Elia. Khalaf, a resident of Sicily. Ibn :fIawkal spent some time in Sicily during AH In his book, he dtes 10 Rajab of that year 22 April as having been spent in Palermo, and gives a brief description of that citymost of wbich is devoted to complaints and even libelous accusations of the city's Muslims, and especially of several notables.

Most of his anger seems to have arisen from his identification with the Fatimids, whereas most if not ali of the people of Palermo were Sunnis, loyal to the Caliph in Baghdad. He mainly notes the city's markets, some of whieh I have already mentioned in the description of economie aHairs in Sicily. It is interesting to note that he pronounced and wrote the dty's name as Bulurm; this is closely related to the pre-Islamic form of its name, Panormus; and we have already found an even closer version, Palorm, in a Geniza letter.

AbClGhana'im b. He also mentions the sima ta stone-paved market bisecting the city from east to west and lined with ' shops; tbis was apparently a commercial street wbich served as Palermo's main street and commerdal centre. The sima t is mentioned in a Geniza letter from a Sicilian writing from Tyre, apparently in the early eleventh century. According to IdrIsI, the dty in which he lived had three simats Arabic plural: asmita. One of them apparently the main one, mentioned in the Geniza letters and by Ibn I;Iawkal contained impressive palaces qus,ur , as did the other two.

As for the fu nduq, there were certain1y more than one inn in Palermo -as, in fact, noted by Idrisl. This inn seems to have been owned by a man from Samantar, a viliage in Sicily mentioned by Yaqut. Nicola Tolentino, and the rest of that quarter was then the courtyard cortile of the Moschitta, between the streets of de' Ferrari and de' Calderari.

This is my own name for groups of Jews which lived in one of the Diaspora countries for a millenium or more, through various ups and downs, including periods of true prosperity, and were eventually destroyed, falling victim to the hostility of their environment in more or less violent ways at best, by expulsion. As we have already seen, the Jews stili often used Palermo's former name, Panormus, though admittedly in a distorted version, Palorm. In about , some two hundred years after the Muslim conquest of Palermo, we stili find mention of aJew with a Greek name: Pappos b.

Shabetay, apparently a 10caI notable, whose name is found among the signatories of a letter from the Jewish congregation of that dty. The Jewish community or Syracuse undoubtedly continued to exist under Islamic ruIe, as prove n by the abovementioned protocol of the bet din in Syracuse, dated 21 ApriI That protocol, as stated above, had to do with an inheritance; it was apparent1y customary among the Jews of the island, and perhaps those of the entire area, to hear such cases out in front of the entire congregation.

According to many generations or tradition, Sidlian Jewry -as part of the Jewry of Rome and Byzantium -was under the authority of Palestine. This connection with the Palestinian yeshiva undoubtedly continues after the Muslim conquests -that of Palestine, and subsequently that af Sicily. The first evidence of the spedal relationship with Palestine can be seen in a letter or, actually, a copy thereof from the Geniza, written by the Jewis.

This passage is appropriate to the pedod following the conquest of Egypt by the Fatimids , under the caliph al-Mu'izz. This influence may be assumed to have engendered the encouragement of trade and the relaxation of taxes. An important role in this relationship was certainly played by the Palestinian yeshiva, which was a focus of connection and coordination between the Jewish congregations and their personages in the Mediterranean countries.

The transfer of the money from Sicily apparently Palermo to Jerusalem was arranged by Samuel b. Hosha'na, of the Palestinian yeshiva, who happened to be on the island at the time. We also find a later letter, written from Palermo in about by Abu'l-Bay b. Bakim to :tIananya ha-Kohen av bet din b. Joseph, during the Gaonate of Josiah b. The opening portion of the letter has not been preserved. The letter was read out in the keneset the synagogue on the Sabbath; the people of Palermo, however, could not grant the Gaon's request to send financial assistance to Jerusalem, because of the high tax burden imposed upon them see my discussion of taxes in Sicily above.

The two letters concern one of the prominent personalities living on the island, a man of Spanish origin named :tIayyim Khalaf b. Jacob, and his son Nissim. In the letter to Qayrawan, these details are preserved in full; in that to Alexandria, some of them are deduced from context.

It is reasonable to believe that that :tIayyim b. Jacob had achieved high standing in the congregation by virtue of his wealth and his status vis-a-vis the administration; he was a great merchant, as also attested in letters from the archive of Ibn 'AwkaI. The letter to the people of Qayrawan and Mahdiyya places speciai emphasis on his successful intervention on behalf of tax exemption, thanks to his connections with the customs offidai.

Moreover, he rescued a scholar named Nathan from the wrath of the rulers significant details are missing here, due to the poor condition of the document. The letter to Alexandria deals with the appointment of a guardian for the orphan Moses b. Elia; his deceased father Elia had been like a son to the abovementioned :tIayyim? The guardian seems to have had to collect funds owed to the deceased by the men of Alexandria, and to determine whether the deceased had left a will there.

One of the purposes of these letters was apparently to increase the prestige enjoyed by :tIayyim b. Jacob in the Maghrib and in Alexandria These community letters reflect a certain trend of emphasizing the partnership between the congregation and its leaders, a trend also reflected in the abovementioned protocol of the Syracuse bet din.

This trend is also reflected in a letter written in Alexandria by 'Ara b. Zikri, a Sicilian Jew, in about The writer is trying to get his share and that of his deceased brother back from a partnership with another merchant, who had refused to return the dead man' s share.

Bitter complaints are voiced in a letter written by Salama b. Musa, who, though having decided to leave his native piace and settle on the island in Mazar , was not happy with the merchants of Sicily. The letter seems to refer to a ban qerem ; although the exact details have not. Salama requests the addressee, Judah b. Abu'H-Iay b. The Jewish synagogue synagoga Judaeorum of Palermo is mentioned in the certificate of dedication dating from , printed by di Giovanni; its text indicates that the synagogue was near the river.

Di Giovanni also cites later sources mentioning the synagogue, which was obviously in the Jewish quarter. The heqdesh pious foundation of Palermo is mentioned in a memorandum copied by Y eshu' a b. Isma 'Il al-Makhmuri, on the back of a letter which reached him, and which had been written on 13 August ; accordingly, the memorandum dates from shortly after that dme.

The memorandum apparently has to do with money owed by Yeshu'a to a rich man named Khalluf b. That Khalhif resided in Sicily, and his representative in the proceedings in Fustat was Musa b. Khalaf al-SamarqandI. Also involved were another man of Palermo, :tIayyim b. We have no information concerning Karaites in Sicily.

Jacob b. Isma'i:l al-Andalusi of Palermo, in a letter written to Nehoray b. Nissim in about , tells, inter alia, of the arrivaI of Abu' l-Faraj b. Asad -an appellation of the Karaite notable Yeshu'a b. Judah -in Sicily. We cannot know whether Yeshu'a came to the island for purposes of trade, or to visit other Karaites living there. We do not have many details on the theans by which the Jews of Sicily made their living.

Some of them sure1y dealt in commerce, including several involved in large-scale import-export business on the island. The above is based on what we know from the letters preserved in the Geniza, the great majority of which were written by such merchants. The same writer speaks of janan, gardens and orchards purchased by his father before he died; apparently, then, there were also farmers among the Jews of Sicily. As for the relations between the Jews of Sicily and the Muslim authorities, the most pressing problem seems to have been insecurity due to the lack of political stability.

We have already noted the drastic changes and near-incessant wars over the island' s government; we have already considered the letter written by the Jewish congregation of Palermo dose to the mid-tenth century, with its horrific descriptions of the fate befalling the city's Jews. There must certain1y have been similar, ii not worse, situations in other places on the island, and in other generations as well. J oseph b. Samuel al-DanI from Danya in Spain , who settled in Palermo, writes from that city, apparently in the early eleventh century.

The ship on which he set sai! I made my way and arrived in Sicily i. The occupier of Joseph's house appears to have been one of the Muslim settlers from North Africa. In the bitter and bloody struggle which developed in this Mediterranean part of the Muslim world, between the Fatimid rulers of Egypt and the Zirids, toward the mid-eleventh century, the Fatimid ruIers of Egypt seem to have been doser to the hearts of the island's Jews.

The confiscation of the house mentioned above is perhaps a single example indicating a more widespread phenomenon of persecution by the Muslim settlers from IftIqiya and by the rulers of the latter country. Yeshu'a b. BadIs, ruler of Ifrlqiya. On the other hand, we have no information concerning tense re1ations between Sicily's Jews and Iocal Muslims.

The Muslims were certainly more favourably disposed to the Jews than to the Christians; indeed, their relations with the latter and with the Christian kingdoms were generally bellicose. When Jewish merchants,.. Nor do the Muslims of Sicily appear to have been extremely fervent in the practice of their religion. Ibn :rIawkal, who stayed in Sicily in the s,expresses severe criticism of the island' s Muslims in this connection, and even accuses them of evading participation in the jihad holy wars by pretending to be dergymen or schoolteachers.

Even if we suspect Ibn I;Iawkal -as a righteous adherent of the ShI'a in its Fatimid version -of having exaggerated, there must be a grain of truth in his words. The dose and friendly relations between Jews and Muslims may have brought some of the Jews so near to Islam as to have abandoned their own religion. One such case is reported in a letter written from Alexandria by Joseph b.

FaraI; on 6 September He goes on to note that this Joseph b. The letters before us also provide some information on emigration from the island. In the early e1eventh century, we encounter a merchant from Qayrawan, one of those who did business with Ibn 'Awkal, named SimI;un b. David b. In Fustat, in the mid-e1eventh century, we find a financier called Manasseh b. David al-Sayrafi the money-changer al-MadlnI -that is, a family which had come from maaznat Siqilliyya, or Palermo.

Zikri, a man of Palermo, requires a certificate attesting that signatures on. ZikrI: , b, 1. Salama:CentraI Personages among the J ews of Sicily Obviously, not aH of the personalities and leaders of Sicilian Jewry are known to us; in this section, I shall discuss the personalities most often mentioned in the Geniza letters, who seem to have occupied a truly important role in the community life of that Jewry.

Some Sicilian Jewish personalities are known to us, principally by virtue of sojourns made by them in Fustat or Alexandria, where they were mentioned by Ioeal merchants in their letters, or their matters recorded in documents of the local bet azn. Thus, for example, we know of the Palermo merchant 'Amrun b. Elia, who is referred to in a court document dating from January , as party to a dispute with Ephraim b.

If that court doeument is telling us the whole truth, 'Amrun b. Elia dragged Ephraim before the cadi over a debt owed him by Ephraim. Thus, we see that 'Amrun was surely a great and rich merchant, capable of exerting influence on Muslim officials, and did not hesitate to breach the prohibition against appealing to the eourts of the gentiles.

A letter from the congregation of Palermo, written in the early eleventh century, describes the activity of Abu Sa'Id tIayyim and his son Nissim on behalf of the 10cal Jewish population. They saved many from persecution by the authorities and from penalties in tax matters, rescued the property of merchants whose ships had gone down, saved some of the Jewish cemetery from confiscation by the authorities, and kept the peace within the congregation , a, il.

We also have information on several relatives of Khalaf b. Khalaf's brother, Isma'i:l, was active in trade; in ; he was in Mahdiyya, shipping goods to Egypt on behalf of another Spanish merchant, Yusha' b. Isma'll's three sons, Jacob, Judah and E11 anan, were also active in trade in Sicily.

Isma'II was active as early as the turn of the century, and is mentioned in a letter by Ephraim b. Isma'll al-JawharI. Isma'Il; this was undoubtedly al-Andalusi:. Three letters by Jacob b. Isma'Il are preserved in the Geniza; they are all written from Palermo, and have mostly to do with trade, although they do give some details on the situation prevailing in Sicily during the late s and up to approximately At that time, there were stili imports and exports between Sicily and Egypt; he also mentions a matter of quires of queries and responsa which belonged to the dayycm of Sicily.

His letters mention dealings in flax, spices, silk; he appears to have had a spedal relationship with Muhammad b. Jacob married in Fustat, apparent1y in ; his mother spent some time in Jerusalem. His brother, Judah b. Isma'Il, worked as his partner, and dealt in shipments of textiles, flax, oH, wheat, pearls, ammonia, as may be seen in two of his letters preserved in the Geniza.

The third brother, E11 anan, also played a major role in commerce on the island, although his letters have not come down to uso Two sons of Khalaf b. Jaeob b. Khalaf was a witness to a memorandum drawn up in the bet d"in of Nathan b. Abraham, which met in Sughmar, asking him to record the flax shipments to Palermo in the name of Isaac b.

We find that Isaac b. Khalaf was a relative by marriage of another Sicilian, 'Ara' b. In matters of commerce, tIayyim b. Nissim and the TahirtIs, with Avon b. Abi:'l-tIay, with the Sughmars especially Labrat b. Moses , and others. Barhiin al-Tahirtl , from Palermo, to Joseph b. Miisa al-Tahirt1; from Alexandria, to Judah Yal;1 ya b. Moses the money-changer; from Alexandria, also to Joseph b. Moses al-Tiihirt1; from Palermo, yet again to the latter. His letters deal with shipments of goods: lead, silk, hides, oil, various perfumes and spices, and to a great degree also with the conditions of trade and shipping, induding some details on the state of affairs in Sicily.

In a letter from AIexandria in about , tIayyim writes -apparently before setting sail to his friend and partner Yal;1ya Judah b. Manasseh b. Most of the letter has to do with the return of a silver spoon which he had forgotten while staying in his house; this indicates the high standard of living of these families.

As for the spoon itself, this may indicate a custom by which guests were given personal items belonging to their host as souvenirs. Other merchants' letters point out tIayyim b. On receiving news of a disaster which had befallen a ship belonging to Wal;1lan, among whose passengers had been Barhiin b.

Isaac, writes to him. That letter indicates that tIayyim b. In about , he writes, along with Miisa b. Abl'l-tIay, to Yeshii'a b. Isma'Il, complaining that he had been forced to pay 75 dinars in Mahdiyya, due to the undermined state of security there, and had been dose to death. A letter from David to Nehoray b. See all restaurants in Nicosia. Artigiano Nicosia Unclaimed. All photos Ratings and reviews 4.

Location and contact 26 Stasikratous Street, Nicosia Cyprus. Can a vegetarian person get a good meal at this restaurant? Yes No Unsure. Is this restaurant wheelchair accessible? Is this a fast food place? Is this restaurant good for dinner?

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